The stage is set for Imran Khan, leader of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and a world champion cricketer, to take over as Pakistan’s prime minister. Everything depends on PTI succeeding in its efforts to enlist the support of smaller groups to get the simple majority to form the government. Meanwhile, observers in Pakistan and outside are thinking of the challenges Khan may face as he tries to implement some part of his program.

Khan has repeatedly said he will make Pakistan as corruption-free as possible. This is what was expected of a leader who wanted to prove that his party was different from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) both of which have ruled the country by turn.

There is no denying that Khan did benefit from voters’ frustration with years of corruption and dynastic politics dominated by PML-N and the PPP.

In this respect, the PTI chief was like Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal who campaigned as the leader of a new party that was determined to prove that it was different from the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party both of which, he claimed, were mired in corruption. In the case of Khan, this was all the more necessary after his determined pursuit of the Panama Papers case against Nawaz Sharif. Khan said that he took the plunge into politics to fulfill the dream of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan. This again is what any leader should say to remain relevant in Pakistan’s politics. However, the same cannot be said of his wooing of the religious right and description of the Taliban’s fight in Afghanistan as a “holy war.” All extremist groups were wiped out in the election. But that does not mean they will not try to influence his policies.

This is especially true of Pakistan’s relations with India, Afghanistan and the US. While Khan’s pre-election campaign rhetoric was fiery, it was largely devoid of India-bashing. Immediately after the results were announced, he made a nuanced outreach to India while making clear that New Delhi’s response would hold the key. While insisting that Kashmir was the “core issue,” he expressed his desire to “increase trade” with India.

If Khan used to castigate Sharif for being soft on India, he was only articulating positions on India that are all too familiar.

Khan has also spoken at length of his wish to mend ties with Afghanistan, which shares historic and social ties with Pakistan. It will be interesting to observe how he attempts to rebuild bridges with the Afghan government without alienating the Taliban.

Although Khan has been an outspoken critic of China’s massive investment in Pakistan, which has resulted in the country being millions of dollars in debt to Beijing, he will try to improve relations with that country. This is a must if Pakistan is to stick to the economic reforms ushered in with the help of China.

Usually, the success of a new prime minister or president depends on how long his or her honeymoon with the people lasts. In the case of Pakistan, there is a third party to the equation, i.e., the military that has directly ruled the country for half of its 71-year history, and has wielded power behind the scenes in between. Right now, Khan and the military are on the same page when it comes to security and foreign policies. But there can be differences of opinion on execution and emphasis. The honeymoon will come to an abrupt end the moment he tries to assert himself. Even on the domestic front, the army may not like the PTI chief going ahead with some of his policies and becoming so popular that he feels emboldened enough to defy them.